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many of the Great Power interventions and notes the similarity between these incidences and the behavior of the UCK (Kosovo Liberation Army). They recognized the need for Great Power (read as Superpower) support in order to further their aims at establishing an autonomous Kosovo within a Yugoslav federal structure (or a completely independent Kosovo) and in the end successfully allied themselves with powerful international actors.

The second excuse for Balkan violence shifts the blame from the Great Powers, as discussed above, to the Balkan people themselves. In other words, these people are not capable of getting along. While it is true that "massacre and counter-massacre" have marred the past century in the region, it would be mistaken to interpret this violence as unique to Eastern Europe. In Western Europe, the past four hundred years have seen many border adjustments, which have often involved violence. Since the acceptance of liberalism in Western Europe, the shadow of cruelty has been cast upon the Balkans, who have only recently been able to fully experience liberalism.

At this point Mazower began a tangential critique regarding western standards of cruelty, and while he did have a valid point, his supporting analysis was weak and thin. He argued that an analysis of prison statistics, execution numbers, and problems stemming from alcoholism would transform the Balkans into a beacon of hope for the West because their numbers are so much smaller. To me, his application of these statistics is questionable and more importantly, they fail to take into account the terrible events such as the gruesome massacres in Yugoslavia during and after World War II, Romanian policies under Ceausescu, and rampant government corruption. Additionally, he gives a historically optimistic assessment of the Yugoslav past as a relatively stable and ethnically mixed area that enjoyed religious freedom. I, and some other audience

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