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inequalities. The problem lies in the 'equal or better qualifications' (education, experience, training), a qualifier in itself. Affirmative action forbids discrimination on the basis of skin color, but it does not forbid discrimination against job candidates with worse qualifications. And people with poor qualifications tend to be those from lower-class backgrounds, who may not afford, for example, a university education.4 So affirmative action solves the problem for African-Americans with the qualifications, but it does not provide the means for all African-Americans to attain those very qualifications. In sum, affirmative action seeks to cure the symptom (racial inequality) without addressing the cause (economic inequality), and is therefore an incomplete solution.

Frye Jacobson's argument, just as postmodern as affirmative action, deemphasizes the economic and argues for limited equality. The author describes the Civil Rights movement and post-1965 nativism as processes by which ethnic groups assert their background and claim a place in society. At the same time, he presents the opposition to affirmative action arising from the Eurocentrism of the mid-1960s ethnic revival, and criticizes this antagonism. His paper makes continuous reference to immigrants, but no mention whatsoever of 'workers'.

 

 


4. Other factors, of course, are at play. Working-class families tend to be the most disrupted (absence of father), they inhabit in poor and violent neighborhoods, etc.-all factors that do not allow for a good education or, for that matter, suitable preparation for non-manual employment.
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