be
linked to shifts in world climate caused by ENSO. He concludes, however,
that while ENSO might have been "the great white whale of tropical meteorology"2
it cannot be seen as having caused the famines of the later
Victorian period. In fact, he argues that even though the ENSO events
of the late nineteenth century might have been particularly severe,
"equal causal weight, or more, must be accorded to the growing social
vulnerability to climate variability."3
Social vulnerability to ENSO events in the emerging third world is generated
and maintained in Davis' model by the imposition of the "free" market
on indigenous society by western imperial states. Davis finds three
critical "points of articulation" that epitomize the actions of imperial
states and the free market in the third world of the late Victorian
period. The first is that small subsistence farmers in indigenous societies
lost their security against famine as they began to participate in the
commodity chains of the world capitalist economy. Subsistence farmers
were forced to switch directly from growing their own means of subsistence
to growing cash crops and then buying their food from the global market.
In India, for example,
"small producers made the apparently surprising choice
of substituting cotton for millet. For land short peasants, [its] higher
returns per acre provided a better chance of approaching subsistence
targets than did grain cultivation itself."4
Of course, this gamble represented an enormously increased risk for
small farmers because they no longer directly controlled their means
of subsistence. The price of the crops they were raising, and hence
the amount of food that could be exchanged for them, were determined
by the world market, not their own labor and local climate.5